Repeat After Me: TIFs Are Great
Why would the Cook County Board give up a chance to have some control
over how the city spends property taxes?
Mike Werner
By Ben Joravsky
October 6, 2006
FOR THE PAST several years Cook County Board commissioners have been
promoting themselves as fearless reformers protecting the beleaguered
property tax payer by taking bold stands against former board president
John Stroger.
Well, on September 28 the commissioners got a chance to prove their
independence in a big way by standing up to Mayor Daley, a politician far
more powerful than Stroger, on an issue that could cost taxpayers millions
of dollars. Alas, after only a few phone calls from the mayor's aides and
aldermen, the commissioners ducked the challenge and ran the other way.
The issue is tax increment financing -- apparently Daley's favorite
program and for good reason. Intended to spur development in blighted
communities that would otherwise get no investment, the TIF program is so
riddled with loopholes that any community can qualify (which is why the
Loop has one TIF and is about to get another), and Daley gets to spend the
proceeds pretty much any way he wants. There's no annual TIF budget or
independent oversight, TIF revenues aren't itemized on property tax bills,
the program claims $400 million (and rising) a year in property taxes, and
most taxpayers don't even know it exists.
Each TIF is recommended by Daley and approved by the City Council. If
the aldermen had any guts they'd rein in the program, but they know how
much Daley likes it -- "it's untouchable," one north-side alderman told me.
So they back off.
It's left to the county commissioners to take a stand. Why them? To
understand the answer you have to know a little about how TIFs work --
don't worry, I'll keep it brief. TIFs are districts where property taxes
flowing to taxing bodies such as the schools, parks, and county are frozen.
If those taxing bodies got $10,000 out of a TIF district when it was
created, that's pretty much all they'll get until the TIF expires in 23
years. The additional property tax revenues generated by rising assessments
and new development are immediately rebated by the taxing bodies back to
the TIF district, which is controlled by Daley and the local aldermen
(provided they're well behaved). The more TIFs the city makes, the fewer
the properties the taxing bodies can draw added revenue from. Thus, the
schools and parks must raise their tax rates even more to compensate for
the money they're losing to the TIFs.
Now you can understand why Daley likes TIFs so much. It's all about
control. Daley gets hundreds of millions of dollars, and the other guys get
blamed for raising taxes. Afterward, the mayor tells the public he's
holding the line on property taxes.
You'd think the county commissioners would be up in arms over TIFs,
which diverted about $50 million in 2005 (and the amount is growing) from
the county. But despite a predicted budget deficit of close to $500 million
over 2006 and '07, for the most part the commissioners have been quiet.
Some don't understand the TIF issue and others don't care, and most know
enough not to challenge Mayor Daley. (Daley's brother, Commissioner John
Daley, is chairman of the County Board's all-important finance committee.)
But things changed this summer when Commissioner Mike Quigley raised a
fuss over the proposed LaSalle Central TIF, the second downtown district,
which will divert at least $550 million dollars from the taxing bodies over
the next 23 years. According to Quigley, if the county's going to get
serious about cutting its budget it has to take a stand on the TIFs,
particularly TIFs in wealthy areas like the Loop.
This summer Quigley introduced three TIF-reform proposals: a resolution
calling on the County Board to urge the General Assembly "to amend the
state's TIF legislation to refocus the program on its original purpose of
helping truly blighted areas"; an ordinance requiring any municipality
(including Chicago) to notify the finance committee of any proposed TIF, so
it can hold a hearing; and, most provocatively, an ordinance requiring the
county to acknowledge TIF taxes on property tax bills. As it now stands,
the tax bill lies. It tells taxpayers they're paying more to the schools
and parks, etc, than those bodies are actually getting, as the TIF funds
are only briefly and nominally in their possession. Quigley wants each
taxpayer to be able to see how much money TIFs take every year.
Through his brother, Mayor Daley let the commissioners know he
considered Quigley's proposals an unwarranted intrusion into city matters.
(The last thing Daley would want is for the state to tighten TIF
regulations.) Only 4 of the board's 17 commissioners -- Jerry Butler,
Bobbie Steele, Carl Hanson, and Tony Peraica -- signed on to Quigley's
proposal, and Steele later asked Quigley to remove her name as a sponsor.
The other 13 said they'd have to study it. John Daley held the proposals in
committee for weeks before finally granting them a hearing last week.
The hearing was a command performance for the many officials who paraded
before the commissioners to offer the party line. Represent-atives from the
Park District and school board said Mayor Daley had always been generous
with TIF funds (even though these agencies lose far more tax revenues to
TIFs than the schools and parks within TIF districts get back). Aldermen
Walter Burnett, Helen Shiller, and Patrick O'Connor said that without TIFs
their neighborhoods would suffer -- as if developers need more incentives
to develop on the north side after 30 years of gentrification. A couple of
suburban officials warned that Quigley's proposals would smother
development in their towns. And John McCormick, the city's finance manager
for TIFs, criticized the idea of posting TIF moneys on tax bills on the
grounds that the information would "confuse" property tax payers.
Then it was the commissioners' turn to speak. Peter Silvestri, a
Republican from Elmwood Park, said if Chicago voters don't like the way
Daley is running the program they should vote him out of office.
Commissioner Joseph Mario Moreno, who's backed by the 11th Ward Democratic
organization, said the program looked good to him. John Daley said he
didn't know if the county could afford to spend the money it would cost to
put the TIFs on property tax bills. Larry Suffredin, the Democrat from
Evanston who generally backs budget-cutting legislation, picked up on
McCormick's argument, agreeing that too much information on their bills
would confuse taxpayers. (Suffredin is a partner at Shefsky & Froelich, a
law firm that according to city documents does bond work for the city on
TIF deals.)And Deborah Sims, a south-side Democrat, offered a variation on
the race-card argument successfully employed by Daley in his fight against
the big-box living-wage ordinance. It was one thing, she said, for people
up in Quigley's north-side district to be against TIFs, but her district
really needs them (never mind that no one's calling for the abolition of
TIFs in blighted areas). The commissioners rolled out just about every
justification for killing the proposals except the one that mattered most
-- Mayor Daley's opposition. "Suddenly the commissioners say they don't
want input? Since when do county commissioners not want input?" said
Quigley in disbelief. "The spin is unbelievable. 'Let's hide taxes from the
taxpayers because we don't want to confuse them.' Orwell would love that
one. If TIFs are great, don't hide them. Tell people what they're paying
for. Look, I know they're getting pressure from City Hall. All of a sudden
the mayor's dirty little secret is being exposed and no one wants the
secret out."
By the end of the testimony it was clear Quigley's proposals were going
down. He pulled his resolution, the commissioners voted to kill his
notification ordinance, and he deferred his property-tax-bill ordinance to
another meeting.
Just like that, the county board threw away a chance to have a say in
how the city spends county property tax dollars. "I can understand why they
would be reluctant to vote for this," says Quigley. "It's the mayor's
favorite program and it's a complicated issue. You're pissing off the mayor
on an issue no one seems to understand."
Quigley needs nine votes to pass his property-tax-bill ordinance. It
looks as though he can count on Butler, Hanson, Roberto Maldonado, and
probably Peraica. But after that it's up in the air.His usual allies --
Forrest Claypool and Peraica -- were notably absent from the debate. They
showed up for the early portion of the meeting but were gone from the floor
when the proposals came up for vote. Claypool's clearly in a bind -- this
may be the hardest vote he's ever cast. He owes his career to Mayor Daley,
who made him his chief of staff and named him president of the Park
District. When Claypool ran for president against John Stroger in last
spring's primary, Daley cleared the way for his top political operative,
David Axelrod, to work for Claypool. But if Claypool doesn't vote for the
measure he loses all credibility as a reformer. "I know they [the
commissioners] don't want to have to vote against this," says Quigley. "How
can you vote against truth in taxation?"
Peraica generally relishes confrontation, but in the middle of his race
against Todd Stroger for county board president he doesn't need to upset
the mayor and alienate Daley's supporters, even if it means looking the
other way on a program that drives up taxes.
But he and Claypool will eventually have to take a position, because
Quigley says he'll bring back the tax-statement ordinance at a future
meeting. "My message to the mayor, 'This isn't stuffed goose and I'm not an
alderman,'" says Quigley, referring to the mayor's attempt to bully the
City Council into repealing its foie gras ban. "We'll be back." 
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George E Dean at 8:06 AM on 5/18/2008
When the oil companies raise their prices, people drive less, which means they buy less gas, which means there is less revenue (from gas taxes) that are received by the city, county, state, and federal governments. However, if these entities--city, county, state, and federal governments--would institute a law that stipulates that for every amount above $2 that gas prices rise, there will be a corresponding rise in municipal, county, and federal taxes (thus offsetting any profits for the oil companies, while maintaining the same level of revenue for the city, county, etc.), then I am sure that these increases will cease. Even if the oil companies continue to raise prices, the corresponding increase in their taxes, will offset any profits. And, because consumers will continue to buy less gas when the prices are high, there will be no incentive for the oil companies to continue raising prices.
Just a thought.
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